By Rieko Kage
Regardless of lowered earning, decreased possibilities for schooling, and the mental trauma of defeat, Japan skilled a quick upward push in civic engagement within the instant aftermath of global conflict II. Why? Civic Engagement in Postwar Japan solutions this question with a brand new basic concept of the expansion in civic engagement in postwar democracies. It argues that wartime mobilization by accident instills civic abilities within the citizenry, hence laying the basis for a postwar civic engagement growth. in the meantime, legacies of prewar associational actions form the prices of association-building and information-gathering, therefore affecting the particular volume of the postwar increase. Combining unique information assortment, rigorous statistical tools, and in-depth historic case analyses, this booklet illuminates one of many keys to creating postwar democracies paintings.
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Extra resources for Civic Engagement in Postwar Japan: The Revival of a Defeated Society
1948, the peak year for this period, may have actually enrolled in 1947 or even 1946. Nevertheless, this does not change the overall pattern of surging growth in the immediate aftermath of war. 6 presents data for the Kodokan, which is the national umbrella association for judo in Japan. S. occupation viewed judo as promoting militaristic values and actively sought to discourage its growth. 5 Note that, as with the Japan Alpine Club, the figures are for new enrollments rather than total membership figures.
This suggests that if growth in YWCA membership occurred at all after 1927, it is unlikely to have been dramatic, particularly after 1931 (Nihon YWCA 1987: 101–137; 2005a: chs. 2–4). But membership growth after the war was certainly quite strong. And the growth in membership occurred in tandem with the founding of more local branches. Eight new branches sprung up between 1945 and 1950, mostly in areas where the YWCA had not had a presence in the prewar era: Shonan (1946), Fukuoka (1948), Kure (1948), Sendai (1948), Sapporo (1949), Numazu (1949), Hakodate (1949), and Seien (Hamamatsu, 1950) (Nihon YWCA 2005b: 76–124).
Students who were too young to be eligible for the draft were increasingly mobilized into the home front toward the end of the war, which meant that in practice academic classes were no longer functional even when students could in theory stay in school. After 1944, secondary school students were removed from the schools and placed to work in war-related factories. ). According to one account, most children over the age of ten were working in the fields or in war plants on a nearly or completely full-time basis by the end of the war (Havens 1978: 178).
Civic Engagement in Postwar Japan: The Revival of a Defeated Society by Rieko Kage